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Lv 5
? asked in Politics & GovernmentGovernment · 1 decade ago

What's your opinion on this editorial explaining why the healthcare bill is constitutional?

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/29/opinion/29mon1.h...

I'm really looking for opinions from legal professionals, or at least people who have passed a first year law school course in constitutional law, so if you have some legal expertise or training, please mention that.

Update:

Only one answer? I guess my comment about seeking opinions from legal professionals scared the trolls away, or perhaps they didn't want to take the time to actually read the article as they would have to sacrifice precious trolling time.

Well of course it's biased. It's an editorial. You don't have to pretend to be unbiased in an editorial. Your comment about buying insurance across state lines has no bearing on whether any provision of the bill is unconstitutional.

Update 2:

As a matter of fact, neither the new healthcare law or any prior federal law prevent buying insurance across state lines, and as the editorial notes, the bill notes that most policies are sold and claims paid through interstate commerce. The fact that there's no insurance free-for-all allowing Vermont residents to buy insurance from companies in Texas doesn't mean there's no interstate commerce in health insurance.

Update 3:

That's clearly the originalist position mtlmnr49, but personally I don't think we should be bound by Madison's 18th century thoughts on the Constitution. I would be rather surprised if Madison and Jefferson wouldn't have changed their minds on quite a few things if they had witnessed the entirety of American history up to the present day. The original conception of the power and importance of the states for example was shattered by the Civil War, which is why we call it the United States instead of these United States as the founders would have.

3 Answers

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  • Will
    Lv 7
    1 decade ago
    Favorite Answer

    Total agreement, and I've been saying as much for ages now.

    The author hits the nail on the head. Congress has vast powers to regulate interstate commerce; and there is nobody who can argue the insurance industry isn't interstate. Moreover, the bill WAS crafted as a tax. By doing so, Congress substantially lowered the threshold of this bill from Constitutional Imperialism to mere "fiscal policy." People have been been talking about the inequities in the US Tax Code forever. Congress taxes some activities and subsidizes others. Nothing new or terribly earth-shaking in that. This is simply another example of altering behavior to fit public policy through utilization of the tax code (Home mortgage deductions, Child deductions, etc).

    As for states suing on the basis of Amendment 10 -- well, that's simply inane. As the author points out, the federal government has long been able to attach penalties if states fail to comply with federal policy. In the 1970s Congress slammed states failing to comply with the 55 MPH speed limit, and did so again in the 1990s with those who refused to raise their drinking ages to 21. In both cases states sued, and in both cases they lost. This is a simple case of the "Golden Rule," -- (He who has the gold makes the rules).

    No, I'm quite sure legal challenges will fail.

    Source(s): Professor of American Studies (in Europe). Constitutional Scholar and author.
  • 1 decade ago

    EDIT: Removed article quote to make room

    The argument presented by the editorial is that precedent, rather than the Constitution itself, is the basis for determining legality. While the Progressives have relied on this change in legal thinking for the past 80 years, there is nothing binding the Supreme Court to continue to abide by it. In fact, recent Supreme Court decisions have left the impression that the court will side with the states and people when disputes arise.

    The author correctly states the proponents' case; however, the case relies on a limitless federal government with power that cannot be restrained by any enumeration. No one can honestly state that the Founders intended to create a federal government with limitless authority. If they had, there would be no need for a Constitution. When subsidized care and supply restricted by over-regulation of providers continues to increase costs associated with providing care, will the federal government be given the authority to coerce changes in individual behavior? After all, this is a necessary step in capping the demand side of the equation.

    For instance, the terminology used in the Interstate Commerce Clause of the Constitution specifically addressed a weakness in the Articles of Confederation in which the federal government had no authority to knock down barriers to trade erected by state governments against other states. That interpretation stood through the 1700s and 1800s. In the early 1900s, Progressives on the bench expanded the scope of the clause to cover even private activity between private individuals and corporations that in Congress' opinion "affected" interstate commerce. Those courts had no precedent on which to expand the authority granted, yet they chose to do so. Why shouldn't a future court be permitted to revert to the Constitutional limits?

    The founders were even more clear on the meaning of the term "general Welfare." One of the primary differences between the US and Europe was the fact that European governments were seen as the provider of the "general Welfare" of the nation. The US was founded on the premise that limiting government to a few enumerated powers was the was to ensure the "general Welfare" of the nation. Therefore, the Founders (by their own explanation) used the term "general Welfare" to reiterate the enumerated powers without rewriting them. The editorial relies on the European definition and abandons the principles of limited government on which the US was founded.

    Edit: Removed Quotes to Respond

    The ideas of the founders are timeless assertions of individual liberty and the role maintaining of confined government authority.

    In 1996, The Supreme Court ruled in Printz v US that the Federal government cannot order a state to raise its taxes and provide a mandated program. The federal government would have to offer the money for the program to the states and states that accept the money would have a contractual obligation to use it as directed. (That is how federal speed limits and highway funds work) This bill orders the states to raise their own medicare taxes and use the money as mandated by the federal government. There is no question it violates even the 20th century interpretation.

    That aside, no Constitutional provision or precedent (to use the key word invoked by Progressives) exists that permits the federal government to force an individual to purchase a product or service. Further, no Constitutional provision or precedent exists that permits the Federal government to carry out the necessary measures required to cap demand by stopping services from being provided or mandating individual behavior changes.

    I don't recall the Civil War voiding the 9th and 10th Amendments.

    Source(s): What makes you think the founders, who in every aspect deferred to individual liberty, would take a 180 degree turn and endorse limitless power for the federal government? Everything they wrote indicates they came to the opposite conclusion after evaluating the evolution of governments over the centuries. Increased complication only serves to enhance the need for individual control and diminished centralization. Our way of life lends itself to more individual freedom and responsibility than even the founders had. Dismissing the thoughts of Madison and Jefferson as anachronisms is a cop out. It requires no thought or understanding of how they came to their conclusions. They even provided an amendment process should changes be necessary.
  • Anonymous
    1 decade ago

    Not a legal professional, but..

    The whole "interstate commerce" bit seems kind of laughable when you consider the fact that when this bill was written the authors expressly rejected the call to allow interstate commerce of insurance.

    Secondly, the author of this editorial moves beyond the scope of legality and into their support for this plan. Which puts a bias on any of the legal arguments, that has to be taken into consideration.

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